On the Referendum for the European Constitution

Speech by Andrew Duff delivered to Liberal Democrat Federal Conjference Bournemouth on Mon 20th Sep 2004

Britain is not the only place where a referendum will be held on the new Constitution. But it is probably the least prepared. We have had decades of governments which have been less than forthcoming about the scope and pace of European integration. We have had no recent accession process to stimulate informed interest in the future of the European Union. We have a national parliament at Westminster that seems incapable of systematic, rigorous scrutiny of UK ministers and officials for their performance in the Council, as well as envious of the European Parliament. We have a mass media, including the BBC, which suffers, as far as the European Union is concerned, from a catastrophic mixture of third-rate journalism, prejudice and populism. We have schools who teach no European history, no European languages and no politics.

So how can the referendum be won? Not by grinding on about what the Constitution is not. Not by being coy or defensive about Britain's place in Europe, as this Labour government too often is. Not by dismissing the Constitution as merely a tidying-up exercise (although it is partly that). Nor is it wise to proclaim the Constitution as a great reform of the Union while, in the same breath, bragging about how many reforms the UK managed to block in the Convention or at the IGC.

We will only win if we are prepared to be positive and trenchant. We must not exaggerate the arguments for the Constitution, or be insensitive to some people's serious misgivings about national identity. But nor should we dissemble about the fact that the Constitution means a stronger European Union. Indeed, its main attraction is that it will enhance Europe's capacity to act effectively at home and abroad.

The Constitution streamlines decision making. It lays down clearly the political objectives of the Union and the values and principles which inform them. It strengthens human rights, parliamentary democracy and the rule of law. Once ratified, the Constitution will bring the Union greater stability and legitimacy than it has had before. A stronger and more democratic European Union that stands on its own two feet in world affairs is in everybody's interest, even that of the USA.

We can only win the referendum if we take the argument to our most serious opponents. These are not, frankly, the reactionary bunch of eccentrics found in UKIP. Our main opposition is the Conservative Party, now sadly shorn of its liberal, progressive, pro-European wing.

Michael Howard has a long catalogue of complaints about the current terms of British membership of the European Union - most of which, incidentally, negotiated by Tory governments. He wants the single market but none of its flanking policies in the social, fiscal, monetary or environmental field. He would oppose the development of common foreign, security and defence policy. He is against cooperation in justice and home affairs. He hates the European Commission, despises the European Parliament and fears the European Court of Justice. If the EU is as bad as he says it is, one wonders what purpose is achieved by continuing to belong.

Mr Howard pretends to want to negotiate to stay inside a different kind of European Union than the one on offer under the Constitution. He aims for a pick and choose Europe, a Europe of opts outs and cop outs, a self-assembly kit Europe.

Now Mr Howard should be advised that what he says he wants is not on offer. The fact is that the Constitution is the only game in town. It's either the Constitution or the Treaty of Nice - that very same treaty which the Tories so fiercely opposed when it was signed only three years ago. No Constitution means labouring on under Nice in ever more difficult circumstances with more and more member states. Nice means low achievement for Europe and loose aspirations. Defeating the constitutional project and falling back on Nice would leave us with an EU that made a crisis out of every quarrel and whose response to every shared problem would be the lowest common denominator of a solution.

It seems to me to be a most unattractive proposition to argue that Britain should be satisfied with the relatively weak and increasingly clumsy European Union that we have today. The fact is that the caravan has moved on. Every member of the European Council, the whole Commission and a very large majority of MEPs support the Constitution as the best way forward for Europe. No other mainstream political party of the centre right in the whole of Europe is against the Constitution. On the left the only criticism comes from those, such as certain bizarre French socialists, who criticise the Constitution for being too liberal and too Anglo-Saxon! Talk about strange bed-fellows for the Tories. What perversity is that?

In the referendum campaign we Liberal Democrats will fight for our vision of a progressive Britain as a modern European place. The referendum cannot be won without the government, but nor can Labour win it without us. The Yes campaign badly needs our vision, our self-confidence as Britain's European party, our networks in civil society, and our troops on the streets. This conference should now decide to put Liberal Democrats in the vanguard of that Yes campaign.